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"As I write this the battle is still going on…"
Published in the LIFE Magazine, January 8, 1945 |
| In reacting to the great German Counteroffensive the U.S. press and public have again shown a deplorable lack of stability, blowing either too hot or too cold. When the German advanced, headlines often cried disaster. When they were stopped, the headlines acclaimed victory for our side. Neither of these things was true. This state of affairs is due partly to the U.S. love of big news, whether good or bad, and partly to a thick haze of military censorship, which makes it hard for people at home to get a complete or balanced picture of what is going on at the Western Front. To put the picture in proper focus LIFE asked its chief correspondent at the front to write a sober, balanced account of what happened when the Germans broke through in Belgium and Luxembourg. |
| LUXEMBOURG |
| On the morning of Saturday, December 16, 1944 the situation of the 12th U.S. Infantry Regiment, Colonel Robert H. Chance commanding, was, as the commanding officer later put it in a laconic official report, "Far from favorable". The 4th Division, of which the 12th was a part, had been relieved after weeks of bitter fighting in the Hürtgen Forest (LIFE, January, 1) and sent to a quiet sector in Luxembourg to rest and rebuild its strength. Its front ran for nearly 25 miles along the west bank of the Sauer and Moselle Rivers and all three regiments were in the line. Because of its large sector and a shortage of equipment, communications were strained. Its artillery was scattered and shells were scarce. Its attached tank battalion, which had also taken heavy punishment in the Hürtgen Forest, was trying to repair its tanks in spite of an acute shortage of parts. One fourth of tanks were stripped for cleaning; many others would not run. The battalion had only 26 tanks which could be considered operational. The 4th Division, in other words, was in no condition for a fight. |
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Nobody expected it to have to fight. Along a 70-mile front between the area of Monschau and the area of Echternach, American troops were lightly spread. We were massing our strength in other sectors and the enemy was considered too weak to attack us. And so inside the small towns of eastern Luxembourg, in Echternach, Berdorf, Lauterborn and the twin towns of Osweiler and Dickweiller, the officers and men of the 12th Infantry loafed and enjoyed the local beer. Outdoors, in the patches of hardwood forest and in positions sheltered by small hills, they made themselves as comfortable as possible in rain that drizzled all day. During the night the enemy usually sent over a few shells and the regiment artillery wasted a few of its rations on him.
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| During the night of December 15-16, the enemy behaved as usual. Then just after 6:30 a.m. the enemy increased his artillery fire. Through the half-light shells whistled in and burst in all the pretty toy towns near the river. They were especially heavy in Echternach. Through spies or extraordinarily good observation the Germans had plotted the location of battalion and company command posts and these received heavy fire. By 9 o'clock the regiment had lost wire contact with all its units below battalion level. Just after 9 a.m. the enemy infantry attacked. |
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In fog that lay thick on the sides of the hills and blotted out the towns, riffles and machine guns spoke and were answered. A dozen small battles developed. But because of the fog and the surprise and because their wire were cut, the units of the regiment did not know what was happening to the others units, nor did they know what they were supposed to do. And so what happened during the rest of that day and during the days which followed might be taken as an example of what good soldiers do when they are infiltrated and cut off and surrounded.
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For a long time after the battle began Colonel Chance himself knew little of what was going on. The telephone in his command post had warned him at 9:21 to be alert; the division to the north was getting activity. By 9:27 he had passed on the warning in his foghorn voice to all his battalion commanders. At 9:45 Company "F" reported from Berdorf that it was being attacked by a 15-man patrol armed with automatic weapons. This patrol later proved to be an entire battalion. From Lauterborn Company "G" reported that it was being attacked by a squad. This later proved to be another battalion. The colonel ordered the light tanks guarding Radio Luxembourg near Junglinster to be ready to go to the aid of Berdorf and Lauterborn.
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| 1) In captured German picture Nazi Tommy-gunner trudges along road littered with burning, abandoned U.S. vehicles. |
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2) American prisoners being herded to the rear pass German King Tiger tank. Prisoner toll was high in first few days. Germans shot some, lacking time to send them to the rear.
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3) Dead Americans are looted of equipment by scavenging German soldiers. Man at the left had been robbed of his shoes. Civilians suspected of being pro-Ally were shot or burned.
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At 10:49 "E" Company was surrounded in Echternach. At 11:37 Company "G" was surrounded at Lauterborn. At 12:50 Company "I" was surrounded at Dickweiller. At 14:15 (2:15 p.m.) Major General Raymond Barton, commander of the 4th Division, issued the following order: "There will be no retrograde movement in the combat team 12 sector."
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By 14:25 the enemy had infiltrated between Osweiller and Dickweiller and attacked Company "L" at Osweiller. By then all the regiment's forward Ops had been overrun. At 14:45, 34 cooks, mechanics and radio operators of the supporting tank battalion were sent to Radio Luxembourg, left unguarded when the tanks moved forward. The staff of Radio Luxembourg was preparing to depart.
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At 15:30 Company "L" had two companies of the enemy on its left and right and had committed its last reserves. At 16:20 "L" Company was surrounded in Osweiller. At 16:51 the situation with the 3rd Battalion was desperate. "I" Company and "L" Company were surrounded, "K" Company was committed. The Battalion CP was getting direct fire from enemy 88s and the battalion commander was destroying his papers and getting ready to evacuate. At 17:21 the venemy was in Osweiller and it was too late. Colonel Chance said over the telephone, "Hold on. We'll get more help to you tomorrow."
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At 17:29 the fog was turning from light gray to deep gray as darkness fell. But by then the situation was clearer not only in this regiment's sector but all along the front. The entire corps front to the north was under attack; five enemy divisions had already been identified. Against the 12th Infantry the enemy had thrown a full Volksgrenadier Division and his intentions were obvious. He had surrounded and bypassed Echternach and was moving southwest toward Scheidgen. If he could break through here he would ride Highway N° 11 down to the city of Luxembourg, then drive his panzers eastward into the Ardennes as he did in 1940.
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Between the enemy and his objective stood the battered, undermanned 12th Infantry Regiment with what reserves the division could send to its aid. At nightfall the situation at Berdorf and Lauterborn was still what was known as "Fluid." Weary Colonel Chance wiped his glasses and jotted quickly in his notebook, "This is the last action as of 16 December 1944."
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Captured U.S. equipment, including a jeep, is inspected by German soldiers in Belgium. The mud under their feet is evidence of the plane proof bad weather, one of the greatest allies of the German offensive.
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At General Eisenhower's headquarters, there seemed no particular reason on the day after the start of the new offensive for a change in the General's routine: up a little after 6, breakfast of an egg or sausage topped off with the hominy grits which have been flooding in to him ever since Bing Crosby broadcast that the general has a fondness for them. Where he lives is of course a military secret, but he had just returned from a 4000-mile trip to the fronts and there were tired lines under his snapping blue eyes. He paced back and forth before his fireplace when I saw him late in the day, his ruddy face a little brighter than it was last summer, a few extra pounds around his midriff because he hasn't had time for riding.
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| The day had called for some of those moments of thoughtfulness that come in times of crisis. The general talked of other things. But it would appear natural that on such a day he had probably been remembering past decisions, strategic and diplomatic, and, in his own well-disciplined mind, been weighing them in the light of events as they turned out. Two years ago there had been Tunisia, which he gambled on talking with four untried divisions. He failed but nobody will say that the gamble was not worth taking. He probably was thinking, too, of that far more dangerous gamble, the invasion of France, which he began working on in February 1942 and in which he believed with such a hardheaded faith that skeptics like Winston Churchill came also to believe in it, and which succeeded so brilliantly that in retrospect it no longer looked like a gamble. |
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| After that had come the two principal strategic decisions he had to make during the summer and fall. The first was after the St Lo breakthrough when his armies were around the enemy left flank and almost across the base of the Brittany peninsula. The plan called for the quick taking of Brest and other Brittany ports. Eisenhower scrapped it. He had said at the time that an army on the run can be licked by an army one fifth its size, and the German army was on the run. So he gambled on taking the ports farther north. That gamble worked brilliantly. |
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The second decision was whether to use the British army and the airborne troops in England to try to turn the Siegfried line and the Rhine or whether to concentrate on taking Antwerp quickly. Ike gambled again. One third of the operation succeeded-we took one of the three Rhine bridges-but the two bridges that the British could not hold cost Eisenhower his gamble.
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All strategy, like poker, is a gamble based on knowledge of your own hand and speculation about your foe's. Von Rundstedt made a smart bet when he threw a pile of blue chips into his surprise offensive. Rommel had done the same thing at Kasserine Pass in Tunisia. In each case the German commanders achieved surprise. We didn't know they had the stuff to do it with. Yet in each case the German move and its advantages were obvious: throw the other man off balance, mess up his supply, make him take time to regroup and re-supply before he can hit again. Then meanwhile, maybe he'll fall out with his friends or maybe you can think up a strange and wonderful new toy, possibly one whose name is prefixed by the letter V.
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| The first thing General Bradley did when he heard about the breakthrough was to throw in reserves of armor from the south to try to contain the breach. He cut short a weekend visit with Eisenhower, tossed his extra socks in his bag and rushed back to his headquarters at the front. Before the day was over other divisions were on the move. One stood squarely in the path of the German westward advance, was by-passed and surrounded and became the famous Bastogne outfit which held out while its commander said "Nuts!" to German demands that he surrender. Another division started for the relief of the battered 4th Division in Luxembourg, but it would be six more days before it could arrive. For those six days the 4th had to hold the southern wall of the corridor the Germans had cut into Belgium. |
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By Sunday morning 60 miles of the front had been overrun and the corridor at its base was 60 miles wide. One U.S. division which fetched up 30 miles to the rear with a complement of 200 men reported that seven German divisions went through it in 24 hours. Through the corridor thus cut by the infantry the panzer divisions poured, trying to break up and encircle our forces, racing toward Liége and the Meuse.
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| The German plan was daring, clever and executed with every means of deception at the enemy's command. It took advantage of our own eagerness to win the war. It took us completely by surprise. Amateur strategists, Congressmen and possibly future historians will argue about whether we underestimated the enemy's capabilities or whether he overestimated his own; or perhaps the battles this week and next will settle the argument. But it is the judgment of our commanders, not the quality of our military intelligence, that is at stake in victory or defeat. |
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We knew that the enemy was bringing heavy reserves into the Trier area, but we had observed these reserves going both north and south from Trier and we thought he was reinforcing other sectors. Instead, for every division that went north or south probably two divisions stayed near Trier. Finally, the German forces concentrated without using wireless (which could have been picked up) and they took advantage of thick weather that kept our aerial observation at a minimum. Von Rundstedt used his best panzer divisions, some of his best SS and infantry divisions and the pick of his Volksgrenadiers.
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| The German bulge, although it did not reach any major objectives, disrupted the Allied battle plan in Western Europe. Three German Armies, pushing through the thinly held center of the Allied line (see sequence maps on next pages), forced four Allied armies to divert troops from their main drives toward the Ruhr and the Saar. The Germans lashed out with all weapons, including their own special brand of planned treachery. They used new 75-ton Königstiger (King Tiger) tanks, jet propelled planes, flying bombs and an undisclosed "secret weapon". Squads of English-speaking spies were dropped behind Allied lines, some of them specially trained trigger men with instructions to kill Allied commanders. In some instances columns of German ambulances blandly hauled up shells behind the stampeding tanks. The Germans also used murder in their offensive. In several places they shot prisoners, apparently because they didn't have time to escort them to the rear. In recaptured towns Allied troops found bodies of civilians who had been shot or burned. The killing was all very methodical and very German. |
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The enemy plan looked suspiciously like 1940 with some desperate innovations. There were the same parachutists dropped behind our lines to try to cut communications and spread panic. But this time they wore American uniforms and were subject to shooting as spies. And this time some of them had orders to murder our top commanders. There were the same appeals to the fifth column, the same rumors spreading through the civilian population. (But this time they did not work.) The enemy used tactically every V weapon in his armory. And he may yet use gas.
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First stage of the drive began on December 16 when tanks advancing out of the Siegfried line fingered through the forests of Belgium and Luxembourg. One spearhead broke through below Monschau but was kept from turning north by the U.S. defense around Malmedy and Stavelot. Sheltered from planes by low-hanging clouds, the tanks moved in dense, powerful masses.
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In second stage the Germans drove a great triangle into Allied lines, almost to the Meuse. Reinforced Allied troops began to press at the sides, but they were unable to dull the spearhead at the tip. The break came when the weather cleared. For the first time planes pounded the triangle and the road behind it. The Germans had to break up their tight tank formations
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In the third stage the German drive lost momentum. Allied troops, including fresh units, were in position around the triangle and were squeezing it hard. General Patton's tank-strong Third Army relieved besieged Bastogne and narrowed the corridor behind the German spearhead to a distance less than medium artillery range. For the moment the Germans had lost the initiative.
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The possible objectives of the German drive were Paris, the Channel or Antwerp. At the end of last week the Germans were possibly regrouping for new attacks and had already attained their first objective: the lessening of Allied pressure on other parts of the front. The Allied had also lost a lot of men and equipment, but so had the Germans, who could afford it less.
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| We had gambled. We had gambled that the enemy probably could not attack in great force, that if he did attack he could not get farther than the Meuse, that if he risked coming out in the open we could beat him in the open. The enemy was gambling, too, but his maximum and minimum objectives were clear. The minimum was to throw us off balance, cut up at least one army and delay our knockout blow many months. The maximum was to cut through to the sea, roll up our northern armies, then swing south through France again. In either case, by coming out from behind the Siegfried line he had risked everything on this battle. |
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We did not react as he probably hoped we would. We threw in a couple of divisions to try to slow his advance, but after that we did not try to halt him frontally. Instead, we prepared to attack him on the flanks. While Patton's columns rolled day and night from the south to hit his southern flank, the division in northeast Luxembourg fought desperately to keep that flank from caving in.
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| On the morning of December 17, the second day of the offensive, the enemy had infiltrated four kilometers into the lines of the 12th Infantry Regiment and had isolated it company by company. "E" Company was isolated in Echternach, "F" Company in Berdorf, "L" Company in Osweiler and "I" Company Dickweiler. The enemy hoped to break up and isolate the regiment so that his panzers could pass through. The problem of Colonel Chance was to make contact with his isolated units and form a line. |
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| At 9:02 elements of Company "B" reinforced by medium tanks, fought their way into Berdorf; one tank crashed through the entrance of the hotel, found it occupied by 60 troops of Company "F". The 12th held the town all day and through the night. |
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But beyond Berdorf the enemy was advancing southward up the schwarze-Ernz River valley toward the town of Müllerthal. An antitank gunner on outpost duty watched five enemy companies move through the valley. A task force was formed to intercept the enemy on the high ground south of Müllerthal. When it met this task force the enemy turned west and was engaged by another division. What happened in this battle the men of the 12th never knew but they saw no more of this enemy force.
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| Another German peers curiously at a four-gun U.S. light antiaircraft trailer, which was abandoned by the road when first swirling German rush cut lines of retreat for many back-pedalong American units. |
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At 13:30, 200 enemy infantrymen were sighted near Scheidgen. At that time the defense of Scheidgen and Consdorf to the west depended on one medium tank, several tank destroyers and a handful of cooks, stragglers and MPs. A ravine to the west of Consdorf was blocked by the tank and seven infantrymen. Then a dismounted antitank company took the high ground dominating the two towns and the situation for the moment was saved.
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By the end of December 17 the 12th had formed the semblance of a line on its right and left but in the center, where the enemy was pushing from Echternach toward Consdorf and Scheidgen, the situation was still fluid. On the morning of the 18th a task force counterattacked toward Scheidgen. Another task force counterattacked toward Lauterborn and Echternach. Two tanks got into Echternach and found Company "E" in the cellars. Company "E" reported that it had received orders from General Barton that there would be no retrograde movement, that it had received no contrary orders, that it had killed 150 Germans, that it would therefore stay and kill some more. The tanks left.
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By the end of the 18th the situation looked better. The 12th had retaken Osweiler and Dickweiler; isolated companies still held out in Berdorf, Lauterborn and Echternach. But one company was down to 50 men, another to 29. The night was quiet in Echternach.
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On the 19th our tanks again reached Company "E" in Echternach. They helped it to reconsolidate its positions and get locations where supplies were later dropped by air. By the time Company "E" got its orders to withdraw, the tanks had gone, the enemy had moved in armor and the tanks could not get back.
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On the morning of the 20th a fresh attack came. "A" and "G" Companies retreated from Lauterborn to the vicinity of Michelshof. "B" and "F" Companies moved from Berdorf back to new lines near Consdorf. All attempts to relieve Company "E" in Echternach failed. The 100-odd men there were trying to work their way out in small units. Few succeeded.
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On the 21st the enemy attacked all day. Sixty cooks, orderlies and MPs from Division Headquarters were attached to a battalion to reinforce the new line at 13:30 on December 22. A regiment of the enemy attacked the center of the 12th's line near Michelshof. The defenders held their fire while they counted 158 Germans advancing across an open field. When they came near, tanks, TDs, machine guns, engineers and infantry opened fire. Three Germans crawled away. There were 154 dead.
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That was the last concentrated attack. Wrote Colonel Chance: "At close of day combat team BLANK took a line just short of the line we held. From 22 December enemy activity was uneventful. Combat team 12 was relieved of its sector by combat team BLANK, BLANK Infantry Division, about 16:00, 24 December 1944."
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The Luxembourgeois say that St Peter is a German and St Peter is God's weatherman. On the second day of the attack there was half a day's good flying weather and on that day the Luftwaffe flew more than 450 sorties. Although the effort cost it at least 95 planes and pilots, the German air force did keep our air forces from interfering too greatly with the advance of German ground troops.
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Then the weather closed in again and for five days thick for clung to the ground like a smokescreen. For those five days the enemy moved without hindrance from above, and he moved deep into Belgium.
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But it was not his westward drive that worried our generals as much as his pressure on the sides of his corridor. They staked everything on our ability to close the corridor from the sides. General Patton's Third Army was making one of the fastest moves in military history-helped also by the heavy fog that hid everything from the air. By Friday, December 22 Patton was ready to attack.
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That Friday began with a snowstorm, which Major General Hoyt S. Vandenberg, commander of the 9th Air Force, greeted with a wry crack. "D'ya think," he said, "that Hitler makes this stuff?" Late in the day he called in his weatherman, Major Stuart J. Fuller, and asked, "How much longer is this going to last?"
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The major thought the weather might clear by the 26th.
"Suppose it's clear tomorrow?" said Vandenberg. "What are you going to say?".
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The major murmured that he would probably have to shoot himself.
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The next day it was clear. Of the great air battle that was fought in the following days there will be many stories written, when all the returns are in. As I write this the battle is still going on and so I can report only the Allied objectives and the measures of success to date.
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| Objectif n°1 was elimination of the German air force. The score through Wednesday, December 27 was 634 enemy aircraft destroyed. Allied losses: 292 aircraft. |
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| Objectif n°2 was the isolation of the battlefield by breaking up the enemy's supply without having to knock out the heavy Rhine bridges. They marked as targets the nine rail bridges over the Moselle and its tributaries. The score to date was five bridges impassable, three damaged probably beyond use, and one damaged. |
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| Objectif n°3 was the destruction of the enemy on the ground. The score is now 600 tanks and armored vehicles, 4000 motor transport, 1500 railroad cars, 80 locomotives and 300 gun positions destroyed, much of it at the tip of the German thrust. |
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| And so by Thursday, December 28, by air and by tank and by foot soldier, Rundstedt's thrust had been blunted and contained. We were now on the offensive. Patton's army had relieved the Bastogne pocket and was pushing slowly north. From the north, American forces were attacking to help close the corridor, which was less than 20 miles wide. The enemy might have another trick in his armory, for this was his last great effort, but unless it was a very good trick he had failed in his maximum objective. If he could get back through his corridor and slam the door of the Siegfried line, he might accomplish his lesser objective of delaying the war's end. But we still had a good chance of cutting him off. |
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